Environmental Goods and
Non-agricultural Market Access
Nathalie Bernasconi-Osterwalder,
Linsey Sherman and Mahesh Sugathan
“Many studies also point, in particular, to the benefits of eliminating barriers to
imports of so-called ‘environmental goods.’ There is an ongoing debate, especially
within the context of WTO negotiations, on the scope of what constitutes
environmental goods.”
The relationship between the environment
and trade liberalization in industrial goods is
complex and of great interest to the trade,
environment and development communities.
Literature and impact studies point to the
negative environmental impact of liberalization
in forestry, fisheries and minerals in the
absence of sound environmental policies. At
the same time, liberalization may have environmental
benefits. Tariff barriers on
processed or value-added products are in general
much higher than the raw natural
resource exports from which they are derived.
As a result, many developing countries have
exported large quantities of natural resources
for the sake of relatively little export revenue.
Reducing high tariffs on processed, valueadded
products could ensure that developing
countries earn more through their exports at
a lower cost to their natural resource stocks.
Non-tariff measures (NTMs, referred to in the negotiations
as non-tariff barriers or NTBs) used by developed countries that often
fulfill important environmental or health policy objectives continue
to be perceived by developing countries as significant trade barriers
to their exports (particularly for fishery and forestry products).
Developing countries, on the other hand, generally apply high tariffs
on manufactured products. Hence, the focus of attention for developed
countries in market access negotiations is often tariffs, while for
developing countries it is NTMs. The exception is developing country
demands for the elimination of extremely high tariffs on particular
tariff lines (tariff peaks) and higher tariffs for higher valueadded
products (tariff escalation) in developed country markets.
Many studies also point, in particular, to the benefits
of eliminating barriers to imports of so-called “environmental goods.”
There is an ongoing debate, especially within the context of World
Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations, on the scope of what constitutes
environmental goods. While developed countries enjoy a comparative
advantage in the production of industrial environmental goods used
for environmental remediation, and argue for the definition to include
these products, many developing countries are interested in including
environmentally preferable products (EPPs). However, the standards
these products might have to meet to qualify as “environmental,” such
as certification, standardization and labelling, might impose equivalent
costs and could be construed as barriers to trade.
Relevant WTO Negotiations
The Doha Ministerial Conference in 2001 mandated the
WTO Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) to launch specific negotiations
on trade and environment including on the reduction or elimination
of tariff and non-tariff barriers to environmental goods and services
(EGS) under Paragraph 31(iii) of the Doha mandate. This is an entirely
new issue for the WTO and it establishes a direct link between negotiations
in the CTE and in the Negotiating Group on Market Access (NGMA) on
industrial goods (or non-agricultural market access, NAMA). (See
related discussion on Environmental Services.)
Negotiations relating to NAMA are primarily taking place
in the NGMA, where much of the discussion in the negotiations has
centered on cutting tariffs. In that context, discussion has focused
on variations of different formulae that, if agreed, would then be
applied by Members to systematically reduce their current tariff levels.
The type and construction of the formula has been a point of controversy
and WTO Members have been divided on the issue largely, but not exclusively,
along developed-developing country lines. In addition, small groups
of countries have begun additional “informal” negotiations on the
complete elimination of tariffs in specific sectors, including environmentallysensitive
sectors, such as forestry and fisheries.
The second significant aspect of current NAMA negotiations
is the discussion related to NTMs. At the insistence of developing
countries in Doha, NTMs were included in the negotiations on NAMA,
both to address the use of non-transparent NTMs in developed countries
and to counterbalance the effects of reducing their own tariffs. In
the negotiations on NTMs, Members have been requested to notify those
measures problematic for their exporters to the NGMA. Several Members,
from both developed and developing countries, have notified various
environmental, safety and/or health standards as barriers to their
exports. It is important to note that these notifications are not
intended to indicate whether or not measures are perceived as illegal
or whether or not they pursue legitimate public policy objectives.
Notification simply reflects the perceived restrictive effects on
trade of these measures.
Interests and Fault Lines
Tariff Negotiations: Sectoral Agreements
Although sectoral agreements for tariff elimination
have generally been opposed by developing countries, this process
has moved forward informally amongst interested Members, such as the
United States, New Zealand and Thailand. Most developing countries
have not considered it to be in their interest to scatter tariff negotiations
into individual discussion groups on a sectoral basis. However, it
is expected that a small group of countries will agree to eliminate
tariffs in a variety of sectors, which they will present to the NGMA
as finished deals. In this case, the benefits would be extended to
all Members, although the commitments would only be binding on the
small group of countries involved. Sectors that have been proposed
for accelaterated liberalization also include a number of environmentally-sensitive
sectors, such as fisheries, forestry products, chemicals and raw materials.
There are no indications that WTO Members are taking
environmental considerations into account as they engage in tariff
elimination negotiations in sensitive sectors in the NGMA. This, despite
the fact that some evidence exists to show the likely negative environmental
impacts some countries will experience as a consequence of complete
tariff elimination. For example, the European Union commissioned a
sustainability impact assessment (SIA) of the WTO negotiations, released
in June 2005, which focused, inter alia, on liberalization
of the forestry products sector. Using a model scenario of full liberalization
(zero tariffs), the SIA study predicts that developing and some transitional
economies that have problems with forest governance could face significant
social and environmental costs, which could outweigh any economic
gains from additional trade liberalization in the absence of adequate
safeguards.
While some proponents of sectoral agreements argue that
increased economic activity will allow developing countries to reinvest
in environmentally sound infrastructure, the EU SIA finds that complete
liberalization is more likely to magnify existing policy and institutional
strengths and weaknesses rather than drive forest governance change.
During the course of discussions at the WTO, some Members have been
in favour of full liberalization of all raw materials, citing “win-win”
opportunities for exporting countries through increased market access,
and for industrialized countries through cheaper raw materials for
processing industries. Others, for instance Japan, have recognized
the potential dangers posed to conservation by liberalization of raw
materials, such as fisheries and forestry products.
Currently, only a few countries, such as Canada, the
United States and the European Union, regularly conduct environmental
impact assessments of trade negotiations and agreements. In most cases,
assessments undertaken with respect to developed countries find that
these countries have sufficient domestic regulatory frameworks in
place to counterbalance any negative environmental effects in sensitive
sectors. However, many developing countries do not yet have the resources
to develop strong regulatory schemes and their domestic environment
may be unduly affected by the sectoral tariff liberalization being
promoted by developed country trading partners.
Non-tariff Measures Negotiations
Since agreement on the “July Framework” in 2004, the
Chair of the NGMA conducted a notification exercise in which Members
were invited to notify NTMs that hindered their exports in various
markets to the NGMA. The notification exercise has been perceived
to be extremely difficult and complex for many, especially smaller,
developing countries. As a result, many developing countries have
not notified the NTMs that are problematic for their industry and,
therefore, the overall picture of notifications is not representative
of developing country concerns.
Several proposals support a horizontal approach to negotiations,
which would have Members discuss several selected NTMs across all
sectors. Some Members, however, have strongly advocated a vertical
approach, according to which Members would focus on NTMs of interest
to particular industries. This suggestion could be problematic for
some developing countries that do not want to establish any formal
link between a vertical approach in NTMs negotiations and the possibility
of sectoral initiatives in tariff formula negotiations. Those Members
supporting a vertical approach to modalities favour the use of plurilateral
group discussions, with the results to be applied on a most favoured
nation (MFN) basis. In other words, a small group of interested countries
would decide to address NTMs in a particular sector and then apply
the benefits of these new rules to all Members (although those not
party to the discussions would not be bound by the rules). Additionally,
others have proposed that NTMs covered in existing WTO agreements,
such as the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), should
be addressed through dispute settlement as a “compliance” issue and
not through negotiations. Their argument is that the NTMs faced by
exporters in practice sometimes occur because Members are not appropriately
implementing their commitments.
Some of the NTMs that have been identified as problematic
to certain industries and notified to the NGMA are important tools
for domestic environmental policies. For instance, the United States
has notified policies that promote fuel efficiency, distinguishing
between vehicles based on engine size, while China has notified regulations
that promote energy efficient policies for household appliances, air
conditioning units and heating, as implemented for instance in the
EU. Bringing such a broad range of measures into the NAMA negotiations
could weaken existing environmental standards and limit Members’ ability
to adopt new legislation for legitimate policy objectives. While this
should be avoided, it is also important to recall the objectives of
the “Doha Development Agenda;” it is essential that Members address
the relationship between legitimate standards and regulations of developed
countries, and the lack of capacity of developing country exporters
to meet these standards and regulations. In this regard, effective
and operational technical and financial assistance will play an important
role.
Defining Environmental Goods
The Doha mandate does not provide guidance on the definition
of environmental goods, or on the modalities for negotiating tariff
reductions. In early 2002, Members agreed to shift the Paragraph 31(iii)
mandate on liberalizing environmental goods to the NGMA. However,
since there is no clear definition of environmental goods, the CTE
in Special Session (CTE-SS) has continued to examine the scope and
definitional aspects of this mandate. The most commonly discussed
approach to the negotiations is the “list” approach, whereby Members
submit lists of environmental goods they wish to negotiate, based
on which the CTE-SS would agree on a final list of products to be
liberalized. India has suggested an alternative approach, which would
classify goods as environmental based on their use in “environmental
projects.”
Those advocating the list approach (primarily
the developed countries) propose that, following submissions of goods
from Members, the CTE-SS would negotiate a final list of goods considered
to be environmental. Many advocates of the approach consider this
to be the only practical option for coming to agreement on a set of
products for which tariffs would be reduced. The Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) Forum have produced lists of environmental goods,
from which many WTO Members have drawn in drafting their proposals.
However, many developing countries have raised concerns about focusing
exclusively on these lists, particularly since they were created largely
by developed countries and do not contain products of export interest
to many developing countries. Another criticism of the list approach
is that it focuses on goods with an environmental enduse only, and
does not include goods produced in an environmentally sound manner.
UNCTAD has done extensive work, outside the context
of the WTO negotiations, on a category of goods described as environmentally
preferable products (EPPs), which has generated substantial discussion.
Although an agreed definition has yet to emerge, UNCTAD defines EPPs
as “products that cause significantly less ‘environmental harm’ at
some stage of their life cycle than alternative products that serve
the same purpose.” Brazil, Switzerland, New Zealand and the European
Union support including EPPs within the list framework. Members that
are supportive of a narrow list argue that broadening the definition
would result in the inclusion of “multiple-use” products, which could
be used for both environmentally sound and destructive purposes.
Given rapid technological advances, there is also concern
that a static list of environmental goods could become obsolete in
a few years. Therefore, New Zealand and the EU have proposed the concept
of a “living list,” to which products could be added and deleted as
technology evolves. The fact that “environmental friendliness” is
a relative concept poses potential problems, especially where superior
substitutes exist or may be used in the future. For instance, some
experts believe that if hydrogen evolved into a fuel for popular use,
natural gas would have less claim to be considered an environmental
good. Yet, once tariffs for natural gas have been eliminated, it would
be difficult to raise them again.
Some developing countries have also noted the lack of
special and differential treatment provisions in current list approach
proposals. Cuba has outlined areas where development concerns are
not being taken into account in the CTE-SS discussions and formally
supports a proposal from China, which suggests a “common list” of
goods and a “development list,” “which comprises those products selected
by developing and least-developed Members from the common list for
exemption or a lower level of reduction commitment.” New Zealand has
also proposed a “dual list” approach, supported by the United States,
with a core list applicable to all Members and a complementary list,
from which Members would self-select an agreed percentage of products
for tariff reduction.
The reality is that most developing countries lack a
comparative advantage in traditionally defined environmental goods
that are capital or technology-intensive. In many cases, process and
production methods (PPMs) would be the only criteria for including
such products of export interest to developing countries. However,
most WTO Members, particularly developing countries, want to avoid
using PPM criteria to define EPPs, partly based on the fear of setting
a precedent for introducing this concept in the WTO.
India’s environmental project approach was presented
as an alternative to the list approach; it would define environmental
goods based on their use in a given environmental project. National
authorities would grant projects “environmental” status for a set
period of time, during which tariffs and NTBs would be reduced on
designated goods for use in the project. This would be a continuous
process, as new projects become designated “environmental” and existing
projects are terminated. The CTE-SS would formulate the criteria that
a designated National Authority could use to screen projects for approval.
Many developing countries support a project- based approach,
largely because it solves the problems associated with multiple-use
products and directly addresses special and differential treatment
for developing countries. They argue that the mandate from Doha is
essentially environmental-benefit oriented, and market access is a
means to that objective; not the objective itself. However, some WTO
Members are concerned that this approach could prevent small and mediumsized
enterprises from benefiting from tariff reductions on environmental
goods, because they do not have the capacity to mount largescale projects,
or the resources to engage in possibly complex certification procedures
with national authorities. There are also some concerns on the appropriate
definition of an “environmental project,” as well as how this would
be administered multilaterally on an MFN basis.
Trends and Future Directions
The outlook for multilateral trade liberalization in
environmental goods remains cautious and uncertain. Lists submitted
so far have focused on “end-of-pipe” equipment and remedial technologies.
The environmental and developmental benefits of these environmental
goods should be clearly demonstrated. Moreover, negotiators may also
need to consider the environmentally sound and developmentally supportive
characteristics of EPPs. At the same time, negotiators should specifically
focus on increasing market access for environmental goods produced
by developing countries in order for developing countries to be fully
engaged in, and fully benefit from these potentially important negotiations.
In addition, a transparent negotiating process is essential
to assess the environmental trends that are likely to result from
proposed liberalization in sensitive sectors, such as forestry and
fisheries products, chemicals and raw materials. Negative environmental
impacts could be particularly significant in these areas for countries
that do not have established structures of environmental governance.
Negotiators should take these challenges into account and identify
flanking measures or, where necessary, refrain from negotiating further
liberalization.
It should also be noted, however, that while
WTO negotiations on non-agricultural market
access could have major environmental
consequences, trade liberalization through
autonomous policies and bilateral and
regional trade agreements could be just as
influential. For example, if a country, such as
China, has enormous demand for environmentally-
sensitive natural resources and
decides to autonomously reduce its applied
tariffs regardless of the WTO, this could also
have environmental (and developmental)
consequences in the exporting countries.