Expert Opinion: Protecting
Genetic Resources
By Manuel Ruiz
Since 2002, the Group
of Like-minded Megadiverse
Countries has
been calling for and
promoting the establishment
of an international
regime on access to genetic resources and
benefit-sharing (ABS). In its founding declaration
at the World Trade Organization (WTO)
Ministerial Conference in Cancun in 2003, and
statements thereafter, the Group has repeatedly
called for the establishment of an international
regime on ABS. As a result, with the backing of
the political mandate of the Convention on
Biological Diversity’s (CBD), the Ad Hoc Expert
Working Group on ABS has started the process of
creating an international ABS regime.
What is the nature of the international regime on ABS
and, more importantly, does it need to be created? The answer to these
questions is not as straightforward as the enthusiasm among certain
countries would suggest.
Firstly, it is difficult to obviate the fact that an
international regime on ABS already exists in practice. A “regime”
is defined as a set of international, regional and national laws,
policies instruments, rules, principles and practices which govern
a certain issue. One could argue, then, that an ABS regime already
exists in the form of the complex interrelations, overlap and contradictions
of a host of international instruments— the UN Food and Agriculture
Organization’s (FAO) International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources
for Food and Agriculture, the CBD and the Bonn Guidelines on ABS,
Decision 391 of the Andean Community on ABS, the Organization of African
Unity (OAU) model law, ABS institutional policies and codes of conduct,
and more.
As a second comment, a different issue is whether this
regime operates in an effective way and takes into account the needs
and interests of (especially) developing countries and countries of
origin. From preliminary, almost anecdotal information, one could
conclude that this regime is still in the process of becoming fully
functional and achieving an equitable balance of interests among countries.
If this is so, then the question is not whether we need to negotiate
an international regime (which brings us dangerously closer to negotiating
yet another international ABS instrument, which will almost certainly
look like the Bonn Guidelines, albeit of a binding nature), but how
do we ensure that the regime currently in place becomes operational.
Thirdly, if this is so, it is then important to identify
where there may be gaps and problems in the existing international
ABS regime and how they can be overcome and solved. One area is
the need to establish a necessary linkage between ABS instruments
and intellectual property rights (IPR) regimes—especially in the case
of patents, plant breeders’ rights and plant variety protection. Whether
the gap implies a need for new patentability criteria, new disclosure
requirements or certificates indicating legal provenance and origin
prior to granting IPRs, these issues have all been part of considerable
debates in the CBD, the World Intellectual Property Organization,
the Council for Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights,
FAO and others. This is certainly an area where the current international
ABS regime is missing necessary commitments and even differentiated
obligations among countries. This gap in the ABS regime could be overcome
through a precise decision, a mandate to amend national legislation,
or, even, a protocol or annex to the CBD, as well as developing strong
and coherent negotiating positions in the diverse fora in which ABS-related
matters are being discussed.
Fourthly, given the current push to modify IPR standards
worldwide—to satisfy industrialized countries’, and especially U.S.,
interests— there is a need to counter balance this pressure by either
precluding the standardization of patent, plant breeders’ rights or
plant variety protection rules (which should really respond to countries’
scientific, social, industrial and economic needs) as the ideal negotiating
position or ensuring that biodiversity-related concerns are recognized
and specifically addressed in new legislative instruments, whether
at the national or international levels. Two examples of the way in
which developing countries have creatively addressed this situation
are India’s Plant Varieties and Farmers Rights Act (2001) and the
Andean Community Decision 486 on Intellectual Property (2000), containing
provisions on disclosure and ensuring legal provenance of resources
and traditional knowledge (TK) prior to the granting of patents. By
allowing for the protection of local innovation through farmers’ rights
incorporated in the plant variety protection regime and by requiring
disclosure of origin and legal provenance of resources and TK respectively,
both these instruments contribute to a creative interpretation of
the TRIPS Agreement, the practical use of its flexibilities and the
establishment of positive synergies between the IPR and ABS systems.
Finally, the key to the success of the CBD is not to
overburden its already impossible agenda. Much can be achieved simply
by building upon the potentially useful and practical options available—for
example, linking the ABS and IPR regimes. Moreover, after more than
ten years, it is time to implement and apply existing tools and instruments
to ensure the realization of the CBD’s objectives. It is often said
that international instruments are naturally cumbersome, certainly
complex, and tend to be slow in becoming operational. To a considerable
extent this is true. To overcome this tendency closer cooperation
needs to be undertaken between scientists, legal experts and policy-makers.
Manuel Ruiz, from Peru, is Director of the Programme
on International Affairs and Biodiversity of the Peruvian Society
for Environmental Law (SPDA).